John Phelps Narrative, Part 2

 

Having reached the old beaten track, my journey was more comfortable.  I had been reduced to one biscuit a day for several days; had traveled in the wilderness for about thirty days.  But all these troubles were at an end and it was the happiest hour of my existence. 

 

I had safely waded through all the difficulties and met my friends and companions-in-arms.  My greatest desire was accomplished, and I hoped to have a few days’ rest.  But this was not to be.  I had scarcely been in camp two hours before marching orders came [leaving most of the brigades' baggage, General Coffee selected the stronger men of his command] to make a force march to New Orleans, that the enemy was hovering along the coast.  Everything was put in order and we were on our march before day. 

 

We arrived in New Orleans [December 20th] in three days and nights -- a distance of one hundred and seventy-five [135] miles.  We encamped there three days, making preparations to meet events as they might turn up.  On the evening of the 23rd of December an express came that the English had landed and were coming up the levee to take the city.  Our order was to be in our saddles in five minutes. It was all bustle and confusion; most of the horses were loose on the plains and could not be had on such short notice but enough were gotten up to form a regiment of eight hundred. 

 

According to an oft-repeated story, Jackson, still not well, was lying on a sofa in his headquarter about 1 o'clock in the afternoon when the news came that the enemy was in force only 9 miles below New Orleans.  He jumped up from the sofa, and 'with and eye of fire and an emphatic blow on the table' cried:

 

'By the eternal, they shall not sleep on our soil.'

 

Then, quickly becoming calm, Jackson called his aides, and said, 'Gentlemen, the British are below. We must fight them tonight.'

 

                   

                                                            General Andrew Jackson 1815

 

The decision to attack at once was as important as any ever made by a commander.  The British could have entered New Orleans easily at this time, for there were no important forces or defensive works between them and the city. (Roush, J. Fred, Chalmette, U.S. Dept. of Interior, 1958, Historical Handbook No. 29,  p.20)

 

... When Jackson learned that the British had landed Carroll's and Coffee's men were 4 or 5 miles above the city... The Tennesseans under Carroll and Coffee arrived less than two hours after orders were issued...

 

Coffee and ...the others stared about sunset on their way along the road to the enemy... At nightfall, Jackson's force reach the spot where the De La Ronde Oaks stand today... There the little army divided.  General Coffee commanded one division... the other division... commanded by Jackson himself... (Roush, Chalmette, p. 21).   

 

We were soon in line, with order to march.  We went at about half speed and called a halt in the city to supply ourselves with ammunition.  During the halt, there was a great bustle in the city.  Bells were ringing, colors of flags flying and martial music in every direction, all of which was well calculated to inspire the soldiers with courage.  The citizens were busily engaged in treating the soldiers along the lines.  Our halt was but short; we were soon under way to meet the enemy.  After a march of seven or eight miles, we saw their encampment.  This was about dark.  The order for battle was given; preparations for an attack were made.

 

[...Coffee and his men had moved to the left to attack the British flank.  The Tennesseans dismounted and turned their horses loose because the cane fields where they fought were cut by ditches.  Coffee's men were almost in position when the Carolina opened fire.  Then they advanced, firing rifles and muskets into the British camp.  Experienced in Indian warfare, and accustomed to night battles, the frontiersmen drove the British back.  Fighting as individuals, they cut their way through the British camp. 'In the whole course of my military career I remember no scene at all resembling this', a British officer wrote later. 'An American officer, whose sword I demanded, instead of giving it up... made a cut at my head.' Friend and foe were confused in the dark. 

 

British reinforcements from Lake Borgne arrived, and their army found a position behind an old levee.  Coffee's men could not dislodge them, although these Tennesseans kept on shooting after Jackson's immediate command had ceased.  Both wings of the American army withdrew to a place near the De La Ronde mansion and waited for daylight.] (Roush, p.25)

 

The mounted rifle men soon forced the enemy's back line into the river, where they again formed on the levee.  After several charges and retreats, their column gave way, and we occupied the battle ground during the night.  But I must be brief and leave history to explain.  It will answer my purpose to say that I was in every battle during the siege. On the 23rd of December I was slightly wounded on the wrist.  Did not feel the wound when made but discovered it by the blood filling the gunlock, when in the act of priming in the dark.  About the same time, my Captain, Beverly Williams, was struck, causing the loss of his eyesight.

 

 

                        American defenders on the Jackson Line and the British                                              attack. Jan. 8, 1815.

 

 

The Americans lost 24 killed, 115 wounded, and 74 missing.  The British commander reported 46 killed, 167 wounded, and 64 missing...(Rouse, pp. 25-28).

 

It had been a close call.  Jackson himself wrote that had the British arrived a few days sooner, or had the Americans failed to attack them in their first position, the invaders probably would have taken New Orleans.  (Roush, p. 28)

 

During the battles of the 23rd and 28th, New Year’s Day, and the 8th of January, I was actively engaged...

 

December 28... this second land battle for New Orleans, called by the British a 'reconnaissance in force,' did not last long.  The Americans lost 7 killed and 10 wounded.  British losses were 9 killed and 8 wounded.

 

At the swamp end of the line, a detachment of Carroll's troops under Colonel Hutchinson was ordered to skirt the edge of the swamp and dislodge the invaders.  When the colonel was killed by the first British fire, the detachment withdrew in confusion. (Roush, p. 30)

 

New Year's morning was foggy.  Back of Jackson's line, soldiers in their best uniforms were preparing for a parade.  A band was playing.  Civilian visitors, including women, gathered for the celebration.  Suddenly there was a tremendous explosion, followed by shells and rockets.  Spectators fled in every direction.  The troops dashed to the mud ramparts. (Roush, p. 31)

                     

 Brig. General John Coffee, 1772-1834, who commanded of the Tennessee troops in the Battle of New Orleans, and played the most important part in the American night attack on the British on December 23, 1814.

 

 

...An attempted assault by the British infantry during a lull in the cannonading was thrown back by Coffee and the Tennesseans.  Although considerably damaged, the American guns kept up their accurate fire...By noon the British fire slacken and at 1 p.m. it ceased.  The American

losses were 11 killed and 23 wounded.  The British lost 32 killed, 44 wounded, and 2 missing... (Roush, p.32-33)

 

...The Rodriguez Canal was from 10 to 20 feet wide and from 4 to 8 feet deep.  The mud wall behind the canal, though irregular in height and thickness, could withstand the enemy's cannon balls as far as the cypress swamp.  In the swamp the wall was only thick enough to resist musket balls.  It was a double log wall, with earth between...The line in the swamp was held by Coffee's men, who suffered great hardships, even sleeping in the mud. (Roush, p.33)

 

...Jackson had about 4,000 men on the line January 8.  Pakenham had about 5,400 in his attacking force.  Half of the Jackson's men had spent the night at the breastworks, taking turns occasionally.  Their commander was awakened shortly after 1 a.m., and from then on was going up and down the line, inspecting, encouraging the men, and dictating orders. (Roush, pp. 33-35)

 

...the British veterans continued to advance in fairly good order until they came within musket range of the Tennessee and Kentucky troops.  Small arms fire from 1,500 pieces added to that from the artillery soon broke the advancing column.

 

...An infantryman fired his gun, stepped down from the rampart to reload, and was instantly replaced by another.  A witness wrote later of '...that constant rolling fire, whose tremendous noise resembled rattling peals of thunder.' One surviving British officer said that the American line looked like a row of fiery furnaces.

 

Confusion and terror became panic... (Roush, p. 35)

 

The infantry action had lasted not more than 2 hours... (Roush, p.37).

 

loss was 2,600...their own losses were only 7 killed and 6 wounded. (Roush, p.40) 

 

About the 12th of January, the British evacuated their posts.  So ended the war.  We were all soon encamped above New Orleans and remained there until the 12th of March.    

 

Peace being established, preparations were made for returning home and disbanding the army. Dreading the long march, I applied to our Colonel [Thomas Williamson, second Regiment (sworn statement of John Phelps in application for bounty land due to soldiers of the War of 1812, 23 Nov 1850), source: US Archives] for a furlough for myself and two others.  He said that he had refused furloughs on the ground that there would be so many that would want to go.  It would be impossible to get sustenance through the Indian Territory, so it became necessary, for the welfare of the soldiers, that there should be some system to provide for their return.  I told him that we had means to provide for ourselves, and that it would be a very great accommodation to us.  He being a kindhearted man and a friend of mine, gave me the furloughs required but said he would not give another.  He made them out and handed them to me, and we were soon on the road. 

 

Even though Americans celebrated, their troubles were not over when the enemy left.  The troops had long been exposed to every kind of weather, and now disease began to take a toll far heavier than the battle.  Mrs. Jackson, arriving in February, wrote to a friend that nearly a thousand had thus ended. (Roush, p. 41)

 

[John's brother Henry died in New Orleans, probably from disease.  He was twenty-one years old.  John possibly had yellow fever when he went home and almost died.  His mother died that year, perhaps from the same disease.  Later his father, Richard remarried Patsey Akins, and they named their first son Henry Akins Phelps (1818-1902).]

 

We arrived at home on April 8th, 1815.  I was taken sick on my route, a couple of days before I reached home, and was confined to my bed on the 10th, and was not able to be out of the house until the latter part of August.  I spent the balance of the year visiting and feasting with my friends. 

 

 [Honorable Discharge, printed certificate with blanks, printed on newspaper stock by the Nashville newspaper]        

 

                 Nashville, April 27, l815

 

     

             I CERTIFY that John Phelps a private in my

             brigade of Tennessee Volunteer Mounted Gun-men

             has performed a tour of duty of seven months in

             the service of the United States -- that his

             conduct, subordination, and valor, under the

             most trying hardships, entitle him to the

             gratitude of his country; and he is hereby

             HONORABLY discharged by his General.

 

             [signed] John Coffee    Brigadier General

 

                              [Source: US Archives]

 

 

Company Muster Roll, War of 1812, 2nd Regiment, Thomas Williamson's, Tennessee Volunteer Mounted Gunmen, Capt. Beverly Williams' Company, for Sept. 28, 1814 to April 27, 1815; settlement May 2, 1815.  Time of service charged, 7 months, 5 days. 

 

Pay per month, $8.00.  Amount of pay, 57 dollars, 33 cents.  Travelling allowance for forage and rations not drawn in kind at 25 cents per day, $1.25.  Traveling allowance for pay of horse from Sept. 28, 1814, to May 2, 1815, at 40 cents per day.  217 days 86 dollars, 80 cents.  Amount, 145 dollars, 38 cents [$2144 in 2021].  Remarks: added 5 days travelling allowance for marching to the place of rendezvous. [John was paid for the time that he was at home recuperating] (source: US Archives, Washington, DC).

 

 

I was married March 14, 1816, to Sarah Rogan Carlin.  I lived on my father's farm that year and raised a crop.  In 1817 I bought a farm of my own and farmed it one year.  Finding it rather slow process in money-making, I determined to build a keelboat and go into trade in the rivers.  I rented my farm and, in the winter of 1817, I went to a boat-builder, got patterns and commenced getting out timbers.  In the month of February, I went to see a friend living on the Cumberland River, to purchase timber enough to build a boat.  He told me he would not sell me the timber but would give me enough for that purpose.  I thanked him for his generosity. 

 

I returned home, gathered up the necessary tools and patterns, and set out on foot -- a distance fifteen miles -- carrying a broad and narrow axe, square and patterns.  On my arrival I selected a white oak, three and a half feet in diameter, chopped it down and hewed it square so that it would be sawed into planks, by means of a whipsaw.  I then hired two Negroes who were accustomed to that kind of work.  We soon had a stock pitted.  They commenced sawing and I prepared another stock.  The work went on rapidly and, in a few days, we had all the timbers in the boat yard.  This being done, I wrote to the boat-builder or ship carpenter who had agreed, when I had all the timber out, to come and fit the timber and place on stock and show me how to plank and finish the boat.  On his arrival he pronounced the timber first rate.  He soon had the keel set on blocks and the model of the boat complete.  He then put on two streaks of planks, showed myself and hands how to plank and calk the boat, and left for home.  We soon got the proper idea and practice.  Our work progressed rapidly, and by the first of June the boat was done. 

 

This consumed all my surplus means.  I owned the boat but had nothing to load it with.  I knew of several large distilleries in Sumner County, not far from where I built the boat.  I concluded to go and see them and buy a load of whiskey on credit.  I found no difficulty in consummating a contract on six months' credit.  I then hired my hands and in a few days my boat was loaded. 

 

All things being in readiness, we set out for St. Louis on the 18th of June 1818.  This was my first adventure on a trading expedition.  Every one of us were what was then called "green horns" by boat men.  None of us had ever been on a trip on a boat, but, as our course was down stream, we found little difficulty in keeping with the current.

 

In about ten days we arrived at Smithland, at the mouth of the Cumberland.  There we stopped to buy setting poles and rope for cordelle to ascend the Mississippi.  We again set out on the broad waters of the Ohio.  We glided down that stream to its junction with the Mississippi.  We landed and made preparations for ascending that rapid and turbid stream.  We started around the point and met the current.

None of us had ever pushed a boat with a pole, and there was no system.  We made desperate attempts but to no affect, for we could not move her against the current.  We all became exhausted, and the boat began to fall back; the water was not more than three feet on the bar.  I ordered all hands to jump out and hold the boat and keep her from floating below the point.  I then put some hands to the bow line.  They pulled and the others shoved, and by that means we passed over the bar.

 

We were five days getting to Tywapity Bottoms, a distance of twenty-five miles.  I there hired two old boat hands, who said it would be impossible to take the boat to St. Louis without rigging a mast to cordelle by, so all hands went to work to put it up.  As soon as the work was done, we started out with much better success.  We made an average of fifteen miles a day.  When we arrived at St. Perivare, we stopped a few days, tried to sell, and went out to the Potosi lead mines.  We did not meet with any success.

 

On my return I again started for St. Louis and arrived there in four or five days but found whiskey a dull sale.  There I met a gentleman from Kentucky, with a boatload of whiskey.  He told me he had not found a market for much of his but said he had understood that at the Fort at Prairie Du Chien we could find sale for all we had at very high prices; that it was bought by the Indian traders at that place.  Upon consultation, we agreed to put both our loads in one boat, join our forces and go to the Fort.  But we were told that the trip would be impracticable, owing to the fact that there were two rapids on the Mississippi which would be impossible to cross.  This information stopped the expedition.  I rented the ferry at St. Louis and moved my

boat on the Illinois side.  I found better sale for my whiskey, as much of it was bought for the interior of the state.  I gave $180.00 per month rent for the ferry and found it very profitable.  My prospects began to brighten.  There was great emigration to Missouri from Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee.  I employed three hands at all they could do at high rates.  I, also, bought all beef hides from the butchers and two thousand deer skins from a Rocky Mountain trader, partly loaded my boat and sent her back to Tennessee.  I stayed and attended to the ferry and the sale of liquor.

 

In the fall I gave up the ferry and returned home, after having made a prosperous trip, clearing about $1500.00 in six months [$30,000 in 2021].  Thus ended my first enterprise in 1818.

 

I bought three Negroes and went on my farm in 1819.  I raised a large crop of tobacco that year.  After it was all secure in the barn, I again set out on horseback to visit the Missouri lead mines, to see if I could make a purchase of lead to my advantage or find anything else to invest in.  I was pretty well equipped, being dressed much after the fashion of a brainless fop, with my ruffles protruding out of my bosom from four to six inches, well starched and crimped in the fantastic style. 

 

I stopped at a tavern at night, and ordered my horse put up and well fed.  I wanted a room by myself, with a fireplace in the same, and wished a fire made in the morning to get up by.  The old gray-headed landlord said I should be accommodated according to my wishes.  I was ushered into my room, which had a warm fire.  Supper was soon ready, and all things bid fair for a good night's rest.  Travelers began to come in but there seemed to be ample provision for all.  They all mingled together in a large sitting room.  They all mingled together in a large sitting room.  They all got up early in the morning.  I heard them settling their bills --$.75 for man and horse, $1.00 for man and span of horses.  These charges seemed to me to be reasonable.  The old landlord had a fire made in my room.  I got up, told him I wished breakfast before I started and that I should like to have fried chicken, if convenient.  He said, "all right, sir, you shall have it according to order".  After I had eaten, I called for my horse, which was brought out and saddled.  I called for my bill.  The old gentleman made some preliminary remarks by saying that when gentlemen put up with him -- that cared more for comfort than money -- he endeavored to make it as comfortable as possible and charged them accordingly.  "Your bill, sir, is two dollars and a half." [about $50 in 2021 money]. The money was handed him, as the Frenchman would say, with much "sang froid".  Though it lightened my purse, it reached my vanity and before I was fairly out of sight, I might have been seen shoving my ruffles to one side into my bosom.  I performed my journey without ever having another terrible bill to pay, and the old man taught me a lesson -- that vanity was an unprofitable stock to deal in. 

 

I returned home late in the fall, without accomplishing anything.  During the winter, the farmers held a meeting to appoint a suitable man to freight their tobacco to New Orleans and sell it for them.  The situation was given to me.  I willingly accepted their offer, which was to give me $1.00 per one hundred pounds for freighting and selling -- they paying all other charges.  I bought two boats of sufficient capacity to carry sixty hogsheads, each.  I set out for New Orleans sometime in March and was about thirty-five days in reaching there.  I soon sold out and got 25% per hundred more than any person from our section of the country.  This advantage was gained by there being a ship almost loaded and my two loads would complete the cargo.  I held it 25 cents higher than the market proved to be, and in order to get ready to put to sea they paid me my price.

 

I returned home, I believe, in the monthly of July 1820.  On my return I bought a stock of goods, made preparations to move to Arkansas in the fall and bought a boat and set out with my family and goods about the first of December. 

 

I arrived at Cape Girardeau on the 26th of December and hired teams to haul my goods to a little village called Currenton, on the Current River.  On my arrival I soon had my goods open but found business dull.  I was disappointed in my expectations, for the country was sparsely settled and no enterprise among the people whatever.  There were no markets; if there had been, there was but little to sell.  I sold my goods on a credit, which I ought not to have done.

 

In the months of July and August my family all took sick and my father, hearing of our unpleasant situation, came and moved my family back to Tennessee.  I remained there to settle up my business and dispose of the balance of my goods.  To expedite or increase my sales, I advertised that I would sell goods and take beef, cattle, horses, and hogs in payment.  This notice increased my business.  I commenced building boats to take my stock to New Orleans.  I had three completed in December and soon had them loaded, and on the way to the lower country.  I placed them in charge of my clerk, with instructions to lay out all the proceeds in dry goods and groceries.  I also boxed up the remnants of my unsold goods and put them on the boat to be taken back to Tennessee.  Thus ended my Arkansas expedition, with a loss of several thousand dollars [$42,000 value in 2021]. 

 

This was in the years 1820 and 1821.  All things being closed, I bought a horse and left for Tennessee.  On my arrival I expected to hear from my clerk who had the boats in charge.  Three or four months passed and no tidings from him.  I began to think that all was lost, but I was not kept in this unpleasant suspense much longer, for, in a few days, he arrived with the gratifying news that they had sold out the stock at good and remunerative prices, that he had laid out the proceeds as directed, and the goods were landed safely in a warehouse in Cairo, on the Cumberland River. 

 

The next object was to look up a place to commence business.  I went to Hartsville, Sumner County, Tennessee, rented a room or a store and soon had the goods open.  Business was good and my prospects brightened.  I sold a large amount of goods at a fine profit.  I continued the business, with the same results. In the spring of 1823, I formed a co-partnership with my clerk, Francis Duffy [a relative of his wife].  Our business still increased.  We bought tobacco and shipped to New Orleans and did well.  In the winter of 1824, we bought tobacco again and cleared about $2,000.00 on the purchase [$47,000 value in 2021].  This, with the profit on our goods, gave us means to extend our business largely.

 

In the fall of 1825, we received a letter from our commission merchant in New Orleans, stating to us that they wished us to purchase $40,000 .00 [$1,020,000 worth in 2021] worth of tobacco on joint account and draw on them at ninety days for $20,000 [$535,000 worth in 2021], at the same time limiting us not to exceed $4.00 per hundred.  We immediately wrote them that we would accept their proposition.  In a short time, we received another letter from them, stating that we should hurry and purchase as fast as possible, as they had no doubt tobacco would maintain last year's price, if not exceed it.  This seemed somewhat discretionary with us as to what prices to pay for tobacco, as tobacco had ranged from six to ten dollars last year.  We being anxious to get all we could, appointed agents to assist us in the purchase in different counties and authorizing that they might give $5.00 per hundred.  In less than ten days we had about seven hundred thousand pounds of tobacco on hand, but no sooner had we closed our purchase than we received another letter from them, stating that if we had not purchased, not to do it, for tobacco had declined in price in Europe and that if we purchased, we would lose money.  This unfavorable news, coupled with having transcended their limits, caused us to see where we stood with the whole amount on hand.  We had drawn on them for $5,000.00 [$134,000 value in 2021] at ninety days and discounted the draft in the bank at Nashville.  Tobacco began to pour in upon us.  Our money began to run short.  We began to pay only a part and give our notes for the balance.  Pressed upon all sides, it became necessary for me to take a boat at Nashville and go as speedily as possible to New Orleans and make some arrangements for money to send forward for our pressing necessities and stay there and sell as fast as the tobacco arrived.

 

I left home in February 1826.  On my arrival I went to see those commission merchants who had led us to this unfortunate speculation.  I told them they must lend me some assistance.  Their reply was that they could not assist me to a dollar.  This caused some unpleasant feelings with me.  I tried to make other arrangements to get money, but without the least success.  Every description of produce had fallen to the lowest possible point.  Tobacco was selling from $2.00 to $5.00 per hundred pounds and still on the decline.  Cotton was selling from eight to eight and a half cents per pound.  A great revolution seemed evident.  My tobacco began to arrive slowly, prices still receding.  I still held that I would not sell at those ruinous prices.  The draft we had drawn on our commission house was about maturing and there were no good feelings between the commission merchant, who had accepted our draft, and myself.  These things all tended to make me uncomfortable.  I finally received notice from them that my draft would fall due on a certain day.  This gave me additional trouble.  Little of my tobacco had arrived; not enough to half meet the draft.  I had become acquainted with a wholesale merchant from Philadelphia, who had invited me to spend my leisure hours at his store as we had become quite intimate.  After I received the notice I called at his store, looking, no doubt, very gloomy.  He inquired if I was unwell.  I told him that I was not.  He said I did no look as lively as common.  I replied that there was nothing the matter with me save the want of money.  He said if that was all, he had plenty and that I need not look so sad.  There were quite a number in the store at the time.  He, Mr. Charles S. Olden, afterwards Governor of New Jersey, beckoned me to his counting room. He asked me if I was jesting about needing money, and I told him that I had spoken in a joke, but it was, nevertheless, true.  He told me that he had money in the bank that was doing him no good, that it would afford him a pleasure to accommodate me.  I thanked him and said I would try and do without borrowing until I would make sale of my tobacco.  He said there was no necessity for that and insisted upon knowing what amount I needed.  I told him $5,000.00.  I had drawn upon a house and the draft was about due.  He turned to his check book, drew a check for the amount and handed it to me.  I looked at it to see if it was all right, but still thought he was playing a joke on me, as we had been quite familiar; but thinking he should not get the start of me, I handed the check back to him, saying: "My friend, I have always heard it said -- one good turn deserves another.  Will you be so kind as to have it cashed?"  "Certainly, sir," was his reply.  He called one of his clerks and told him to go to the bank and bring the money.  The money was soon handed over to me.  Such an act of magnanimous confidence I had never met with before, nor have I since.  The many acts of disinterested kindness and attention that I received from him will ever be remembered with gratitude. 

 

My tobacco was arriving, and the price was still receding.  It now became impossible to sell at more than 8-3/4, 2-3/4 and 3-3/4 for the best quality.  I sold two hundred and sixteen hogsheads at this ruinous price.  To pay freight and to refund the money, I borrowed of my friend, C.S. Olden.  I noticed from the prices current in Philadelphia that tobacco was bringing from $2.50 to $5.00.  I shipped one hundred hogsheads to that market.  Dr. Allen Hile I sent on as agent.  I was to follow with one hundred and fifty hogsheads more as soon as all my tobacco arrived from the upper country, which was expected in ten or fifteen days.  I was, therefore, delayed two months longer than I expected.  I soon had it shipped to Philadelphia. 

 

Having nothing more to look after, I engaged my passage on the ship "Amelia", bound for New York.  Before leaving my friend, C.S. Olden, he inquired into the magnitude of my wardrobe.  I told him I had sufficient to take me around.  He stated that I might be a long time on the route, and he insisted that I should take a couple dozen shirts, which he brought down to the ship to me.  He said that when I finished with them, I could leave them at his store in Philadelphia.  I accepted for fear of offending him. 

 

We left New Orleans on the 12th of June and landed at Sandy Hook on the 1st day of July.  We were quarantined three days. I gave bonds not to enter the city.  We were landed on Staten Island and took passage for Philadelphia and arrived there the 2nd day of July.  My agent, Dr. Hile, had sold the one hundred hogsheads of tobacco at $2.50, and some few choice hogsheads at from $5.00 to $6.00 per hundred.  The other one hundred and fifty I sold at similar prices.  I here received letters from my partner that if I did not remit money soon all would be lost.  There were many judgements against us.  There would still be heavy accounts that we could not provide for, so I concluded, as a gambler would say, to risk all on a single turn of the wheel, that I would lay out every dollar in my possession in merchandise, so we might be able to pay our debts, but to pay the money we could not.  Consequently, I made the purchase and quite a large amount on credit.  I reserved only enough money for freight and charges.  I had the goods loaded on wagons for Pittsburgh.  Dr. Hile and myself left by stage for the same place. 

 

Arriving there, I took a boat for home, leaving my friend to pay freights and to attend to shipping the goods to Louisville, where they were to remain till further orders from me.  On my arrival at home, I found everything in a most confused condition.  Creditors flocked in from all quarters for their pay, which had been so long delayed.  I submitted this proposition to them -- that they should select three good business men; we would render a schedule of the amount due us by note or book account, together with all the invoice goods that we had coming; that if such committee should report that we had sufficient means to pay our debts by giving us one year's time, they should do so, but, otherwise, if it was found that our assets were insufficient, then they should take the notes, accounts and goods and divide the sum, according to ratio, and give up our paper.  This proposition seemed to meet with favor.  It in some degree restored confidence, and the excitement seemed to die away.  They all promised to give the time required without going into the examination, so the matter rested for a time.  But there was a judgement against us for about $3,000.00, which had to be met in a short time.  I proposed to go to Nashville and make arrangements to raise that amount.  My partner said I could not raise a dollar, but, disregarding his opinions, I went.  I met with a wholesale merchant from whom I had been in the habit of buying goods.  I told him my situation and that I had a large stock of selected goods on the way from Philadelphia and wished to sell him some of them to raise money which we were compelled to have.  He asked my terms and I told him he would have $3,000.00 worth at 10% on original cost.  He said he would take the goods at that rate and gave me $500.00, which I was compelled to have.  I was to write him a note on the arrival of the goods and wrote to Dr. Hile to send them as soon as possible.  When they arrived, I wrote to the merchant, Matthew Wheaton, of Nashville, to come and make his selections. In a few days he was on hand; bought $2,700.00 worth and paid for them.  This in turn made things a little easier.  We were able to pay off the judgements against us; we sold goods rapidly, which gave us quite a relief as we paid many of our goods for debts.           

 

Things took an upward turn, but I was not satisfied with the manner in which business was conducted during my absence of the last seven months.  I proposed a dissolution of our co-partnership which was done, but we were jointly bound for all of our old debts.  We both continued to pay them as fast as we could, each taking receipts for the amount paid by him. 

 

During the fall of 1826 and 1827 I again bought a boatload of tobacco of my customers, yet many of our old debts remained unpaid.  In the spring of 1827, our creditors became more urgent for their pay, and, forgetting their former agreement with us to wait one year, began to sue us again.  Finding I had no other alternative to save myself from ruin, I wrote a letter to Messrs. Newkirk & Olden of Philadelphia, to whom we owed $2800.00 for goods purchased of them, that if they did no come or send their claim against us, they would lose money by us and we could not help it; if they would come, I would secure them.  In two or three weeks their agent arrived with a letter to me, to secure them in any way I might their best for our mutual interest.  I closed the store and took an invoice of the goods.  This caused many conjectures.  Not even my old partner knew what I was doing.  Some thought that the stranger had bought me out.  We kept our own secrets.  In a few days we finished our labors.  A deed of trust was made out and signed, all the goods, books, etc., turned over to Newkirk & Olden.  They appointed me their agent to sell the goods, it was, also, agreed that I might pay off some of my old debts with goods, provided such payment did not interfere with their interests.  Thus ended the speculation of 1825.

 

I had sent a boatload of tobacco to New Orleans but had no returns from it when this deed of trust was given.  In justification of what I had done and the causes which led to it, will be seen the following circular:

 

 

 

To the Public

 

The house of Phelps and Duffy, of Hartville, of which I was a partner, purchased in 1825 a large quantity of cotton and tobacco, by which transaction we lost upwards of $18,000.00 [$481,000 value in 2021]. In consequence of this immense loss, we have not been able to meet many of our engagements with that punctuality which had previously marked our course in business, and many of our creditors have been necessarily compelled to wait longer for their money than they expected to have done when we made our purchase.  By the most indefatigable exertions, we have succeeded at length in paying all but a comparatively small part of our debts.  Yet this part, small as it is, must be paid.  Our creditors expect it, and we make no other calculation.  Yet, with regret, I inform them that they will be necessarily obliged to wait still longer.  We found it necessary last year to purchase a considerable quantity of goods in Philadelphia on credit, for the purpose of paying our debts here and had no doubt at that time that we should be able to purchase a sufficient quantity of Products to pay for them.  In this we have been disappointed.  The people to whom we paid a high price for produce and who (if any people) should have felt themselves under obligations to us, were, with few exceptions, the first, after receiving their money, to turn their backs upon us and, in almost every instance, preferred selling to anybody else.  Had our conduct at any time been such as to justify them in their course toward us or had we at any time given them cause to lose confidence in us, we would have submitted to our fate without murmur, but no such cause can be shown.  I am sensible that I have been censured by some for with-holding the proceeds of our tobacco and laying it out in goods.  To any reasonable man who had an idea of our situation, this matter would need no explanation.  Yet there are some people in every community who, either from ignorance of design, can never be convinced of anything contrary to their interest or their feelings. To such, I have only to say I despise them and their opinions and inform them I write not for them.  It is to people of a different character I address myself, and with them I hope to be able to justify the course I have pursued throughout the whole transaction, which has involved me in my unfortunate situation.